They can be found no more absorbing chapter in the history of Nantyglo and Blaina than the incessant struggle for physical survival and for better conditions of living. Such a continual fight inevitably lead to organised resistance by the workers. Probably no district has experienced more industrial depression and its consequent repercussions and Nantyglo Blaina.

As stated previously the first workers to the area were recruited from the agricultural labourers of South Wales. They were from the lowlands of Monmouthshire and the uplands of Breconshire and Radnorshire. As the demand for labour grew the owners look further afield to Carmarthanshire, Cardiganshire, and Pembroke shire. The overseers of the parish of Aberystruth were most diligent in demanding that immigrants who became paupers should not become liable on the funds of the parish and many were the legal battles demanding the return of the paupers to their own parishes. As far back as 1830 Edmond Williams and his three children were sent back to Kilcombe in Carmarthanshire. Some of the workers undoubtedly broke their agreements with their former employers as did Even Harris who was alleged to have “failed to gain a settlement by servitude with William George”.

The owners who had brought some of the workers into the district accepted liability when their employees came out of work. At the vestry meeting (and reveal minute book) July 11th 1817 parish of Aberystruth it was ''agreed between the parishioners of Aberystruth on the one part and the Ebbw Vale company. Brewer , Bailey, and Benjamin Price of Ffosymaen that the said three shall take upon themselves separately, all-expenses of paupers that are not parishioners - - - of the said parish of Aberystwyth from the first day of July ''. It was quite common for the overseers to agree to items like the following '' that Thomas Jenkins be granted 2/6d relief, the same to be returned by Mr Geoffrey Brewer to the Overseer ''.

As could be expected, there was no organised labour... on the other hand there was no absentee landlordism and any dispute that arose was discussed and settled on the spot between master and man. After the Napoleonic wars the price of Iron fell from £20 to £8 per ton. This consequently effected the wages of the men and for many years the continual fluctuations in the price of Iron was reflected in the rise and fall of the wages of the workers.

As early as 1816 we find that the Nantyglo workers had followed those of Tredegar in rioting against a threat to lower their wages. Crawshay Bailey withdrew the notice and actually raised the wages of the men and '' promised '' also to discontinue the Company shop.

The first attempt an organisation by the workers was the '' Scotch Cattle ''. This movement which became widespread in the industrial areas of South Wales appeared first in Nantyglo and Blaina in 1822. To prevent identification to members disguised themselves with the skins are beasts and blackened their faces. The leader was known as the '' Bull '' and bellowing loudly would head the attacking mob.

One of the main objects of the organisation was to prevent strangers being taught the art of mining, thereby restricting the output and minerals, and also to protect the interests of the workers by obtaining for them the highest rate wages. No miner was allowed to take a stranger underground without first consulting the organisation. If this rule was violated the offender was warned that violence will be the punishment. Destruction of furniture, bodily violence and sometimes murder would follow.

In February 1822 Russell and Brown owners of the Blaina works proposed to lower the wages 5 to 6 per cent and also to lower the prices of provisions in the Company Shop by 10 to 15 per cent. The workers refused to accept the proposal and struck work. They also demanded the abolition of the Truck if.

After the striker continued for two weeks the workers became desperate. Black legs were introduced and this irritated the workers more than ever. The works manager's house was stoned and a Bull's head was painted in red on the doors of the black legs houses. The Bull's head was a warning sign that the '' Scotch Cattle '' would strike. The black legs continued working and the night following the warning the '' Scotch Cattle '' struck. On the night of February 17th between 150 and 200 men met near the Cornish pit, where they were commanded by their leaders to turn their coats and blacken their faces, and order which was promptly obeyed. Then the procession headed by a man blowing a horn descended on the cottages of two of the marked men. Windows was smashed, the door forced open , the furniture destroyed and the inmates beaten in a most brutal manner.

The military were called in, but they were unable to prevent the '' Cattle '' from continuing their violent tactics. On Sunday April 22nd they went over the mountain in the dark to Abersychan and destroyed the house of a blackleg who worked in Nantyglo. A reward of £15 (a very large reward for those days) failed to gain any information. Such was the fear of revenge and the solidarity of the workers. Lord Melbourne the then Home Secretary was obliged to visit Abergavenny to discuss the matter with a magistrates. One notice written in red ink (symbolising the blood of workers) and in the Welsh language was as follows
:
'' to all colliers, traitors, turncoats and others. We hereby warn you for the second and last time. We are determined to draw out the hearts of all the men above named, and fix two hearts upon the horns of the bull.
So that everyone may see what is the fate of every traitor and we know them all ''.

So we testify with our blood. Hoar Castle 19th April, 1822.

In the end some of the leaders were discovered, tried and executed and finally the movement came to an end.

While the '' Scotch cattle '' cannot be compared with modern trade unions, it does appear to be the forerunner of the Miners' Federation.

By 1830 the Friendly Society of Coal Mining had union clubs in most centres including Nantyglo and Blaina. The "Cambrian" of 1831 reported that miners in the unions had to take the following oaths:
(1) “never to instruct a person into the art of mining except when obliged brother or brothers will apprentice”.
(2) “never work where an obliged brother has been unjustly enforced off for standing up for his price, or in defence of his Trade”.

However it was in the Chartist Movement that the workers of Nantyglo on Blaina really became more organised for the first time, and where legitimate attempts were made through the franchise to improve their conditions of living.

Nantyglo and Blaina can be proud of the part it played in the struggle and it would always remain one of the brightest episodes in the emancipation of the workers. Ill-fated and perhaps premature though it was the year following proved that the struggle had not been in vain.

The aims and aspirations of the Chartist movement are too well known to need any repetition in this brochure. It can be deal with events as they happened in Nantyglo on Blaina. The universal cry of '' the charter, the charter '' found a ready response among the Iron and coal workers. They felt that the six point demand was the answer to their struggle for better wages and conditions if accepted by the central government. They had hoped that the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832 would be the culmination to their hopes and aspirations. However the Bill gave the vote only to those in the counties if their houses or land had a rent or £50 or more, thus placing the political powers in the hands of the middle classes.

John Frost, the acknowledged leader of Monmouthshire Chartists and who had done a great deal of propaganda work in Newport realised that there was big scope for his activities in the industrial valleys. Frost had been in trouble with the mayor of Newport and the Tredegar family, which served to intensify work in the movement.

Gradually lodges were formed at many of the beer houses and two of the better known lodges in Nantyglo were at the Twyn Star (Twins) and the Royal Oak, Queen Street. The landlord of the latter was Zephaniah Williams who with William Jones, Pontypool, were the other two chief leaders of the Chartists in Monmouthshire were removed. He was a native of Argoed, intelligent, well educated and fastidious in his appearance. In addition to being landlord of the Royal Oak he was a master Collier. He was reputed to be a free-thinker and "was one of the most hated of the Chartist leaders". In 1832 he was charged at the Usk Quarter Sessions with assaulting and interfering with a parish constable in the course of his duty, but the case was dismissed. He formed a branch of the Working Men's Association the parent body of Chartism founded in London in 1836, and also a branch of the Female Chartists Society. His house was supposed to have had one of the biggest trades in South Wales. His chief enemies were Crawshay Bailey and the Reverend Benjamin Williams.

The iron masters were greatly worried by their activities of the Chartists and about 83 D seven Crawshay Bailey took the precaution a building is to round towers and it was stated that he always took the precaution of having a well stocked with provisions.

Then into the valleys of Monmouthshire came and Englishmen Henry Vincent, young and eloquent and who commanded great respect from the workers. He visited Zephaniah Williams and his lodge members at the Royal Oak. While in the area he met Crawshay Bailey who threatened to have him thrown into the Big Pond, if he dared interfere with his men. '' your men? '' queried Vincent, '' they are my men, you ask them? ''

The visit of Vincent to Nantyglo set the seal on the activities of the local Chartists. They intensified their efforts through Zephaniah and meetings were held regularly. As a counter measure Crawshay Bailey held a monster demonstration in Coalbookvale in April 1839. 5000 people were reported to be present at the demonstration. He delivered a truculent speech. His property he said was the result of his own industry and he would sacrifice his life rather than lose it. What he asked had the valley been fifty years before and how much capital could Vincent and Edwards the Newport Baker lay out to develop the works? Other speakers included the Reverend Benjamin Williams. Much capital was made out of the fact that the agitators we Englishmen and the meeting closed with a resolution to support the jest prerogative of the Crown and the constitutional privileges of Parliament. Zephaniah Williams replied in an able manner, accusing the employers of secretly prompting violence.

Shortly after this great demonstration Vincent was arrested. This caused deep resentment among the workers of Monmouthshire and it was largely due to the intervention of Frost that physical violence was not used. Monmouthshire Chartists were regarded as moral force Chartists as opposed to physical force Chartists.

In June it 1859 a great march took place from Brynmawr to Nantyglo. Jones, Morgan Williams the Merthyr leader and other leaders took part. Frost who was advertised to speak had left Monmouthshire to go to London.

At the beginning of August 1839 Vincent was tried at the Monmouthshire Assizes and sentenced to 12 months' imprisonment. This caused intense agitation and another great demonstration was held this time held at Dukestown, Tredegar's. The release of Vincent was demanded. Appeals were made to the home secretary that they were in vain. Force was now being advocated that the leaders advocated restraint. As a result during August and September the members attended the parish Church in a body probably to show that they were prepared to obtain their ends by peaceful methods or as a cloak to hide their real intentions.

Believe in October, frost came to Nantyglo believing that the workers were preparing to rise in the hills. He addressed some 500 men at the rival, and was pleased to learn that their intentions were peaceful.

This was the last public meeting in the hills although a secret meeting was held at the King Crispin Inn, Brynmawr. Dr William Price, the pioneer of cremation was emphatic that this secret meeting took place at the Twyn Star.

Other secret meetings took place during the following days and very little information can be found of the activities of the Chartists. However, they can be little doubt the rising was being planned with great energy. The Zephaniah Williams visited Blackwood several times and discussed plans with Frost and Jones. Five days before the rising took place, Zephaniah and addressed his men at the Royal Oak and distributed membership cards. In the Royal Oak there was a back room designated as the lodger room. Here they met in secret. Zephaniah be urging them to be sober in their habits and that there was to be no shedding of blood. It was probably at a meeting on October 30th that the men were told that the following Sunday evening 3rd November was the date fixed for the march on Newport.

It appears that the men met each night during the week prior to the rising. Zephaniah visited other lodges round about giving instructions for the following Sunday. At Blackwood the leaders met for the last time on 1st November and discussed the final arrangements.

The plan adopted by the leaders was a simple one. The marchers of north-west Monmouthshire were to join forces with the Blackwood and Pontypool contingents at risk or. Together they would march on Newport, there they would prevent the mail from leaving the town, and its non-arrival at Birmingham was to be the signal for a general rising throughout the country. For the events which actually happened in Nantyglo and Blaina on the evening of 3rd November 3rd the evidence of local marchers conveys a fairly clear picture.

George Lloyd who lived at Coalbookvale (A part of Nantyglo below Hermon chapel) and who lived in one room with his family was on his way home from Nantyglo and about 6 p m . His house was about 200 yards below the Royal Oak and on passing the beer house he was taken inside and a dagger at the end of the stick was pushed into his hand. There was a great number of people gathered inside and outside the Royal Oak.. Very shortly afterwards he went with the others on to the mountain between Nantyglo and Ebbw Vale. The mountain was the rendezvous of all the marchers in West Monmouthshire presumably because of the easy approach on Newport through the Western valleys.

Lloyd stayed on the mountain for two and a half to three hours, and the people '' were coming in droves " from all parts. He estimated there were 5000 people on the mountain. Zephaniah Williams addressed the people 'on the Tump'in Welsh '' my dear Chartists '' he said, '' you need not be frightened because we are bound to be at Newport at 2 o'clock. The soldiers will not touch you ''. Then they left the mountain and on the way the crowd began knocking the doors and breaking the windows, taking people out of bed and pressing them to go with the marchers. This was at Victoria. At A her the news bercarn they threw Lloyd into the canal and he managed to get home soaked to the skin.

James James, also a member of the Chartist movement and had attended lodger meetings on many occasions visited the Royal Oak at half past 10 on Sunday morning November 3rd and later at 3pm in the afternoon. A '' stranger man '' was there and told those gathered in the beer house to take bread and cheese with them and go on to the mountain at 6 o'clock. While he attended lodge meetings Zephaniah had told the members many times not to drink too much beer. When he arrived on the mountain '' it was dark and raining hard and the wind was blowing strong ''. There were hundreds of people there and at about eight o'clock he with the others left the mountain and reached the tram road at the new ironworks at Victoria. Here Zephaniah assured a passer-by that no one will be killed, and that they would '' all come back safely her the ''. Eventually he and others reached Risca. Here he turned back and when to a public house and later went through Tredegar park where there were hundreds of marchers. He then went with them past the Stowe Church. He heard firing; saw people running back, joined in with them and went back home. This was at 9 o'clock.

William Hall, another marcher lived in Blaina and about half a mile below the Royal Oak. Between five and 6 o'clock on a Sunday evening he saw a great number of people at the Royal Oak, and some round the corner of the house. These went in to a place under the lodger room and he saw some people come away with pikes in their hands rural. He had been told by Zephaniah many times that they were to behave peaceably and that there was to be no shedding of blood.

No one knows what became of Zephaniah from eight thirty, until he reached the Coach and Horses in Llanhilleth at 1:30pm on Sunday November 4th, from 11:30pm. From 11:30pm marchers had been coming to and going from the Coach and Horses but it was not until that hour that he himself called at the inn and ordered a pint of beer. He was very wet but behaved very quietly. The landlord of the coach and horses, James Samuel allowed Zephaniah to have a horse and tram so as to be at Newport at 4am. He complained that some articles and been taken out of his house.

The driver of the tram Henry Smith a lad of sixteen took Zephaniah Tyn-y-cwm, Risca, passing many marchers on the way. At Tydur he gave orders to his men to go forward two by two. They passed the Salutation Inn but my the most forward on the marchers had already reached the West Gate Hotel. Here a short Shop fight to took place, some other matches were killed and wounded and the rest disbursed in disorder: the attack on Newport had failed disastrously.

After the marches had returned home there was great consternation on the hills, and there was a great fear of reprisals. Of the thousands who were taken part in the march fourteen were taken into custody, including of course the three leaders and were tried at Monmouth for High Treason. Frost was tried first from Thursday the 2nd January to 8th January 1840, Zephaniah Williams from 9th January to the 13th and William Jones on the 14th and 15th January. As a result of the verdict of "Guilty on '' the three leaders the other prisoners withdrew their pleas of '' not guilty '' to "guilty ''. On Thursday 16th January sentences were passed on John Frost, Zephaniah Williams, William Jones, Charles Waters, John Lovell, Richard Benfield, Jon Rees and Jenkin Morgan - each to be taken hence to the place from whence they came '' and be thence drawn on hurdle to the place of execution... and to be hanged by the neck until dead, the head of each to be severed from the body and the body divided into four quarters and disposed of as her Majesty should think fit ''. Such was the terrible sentence passed.

Before the trial took place, there was no doubt in the minds of the prisoners and their Chartist followers as to which results. As David Williams in his book '' John Frost, a study of Chartism '' comments: '' the Lord Chief Justice summings up proved the chief sensation of the trial, for it was evident from the start that he was laboured for an acquittal. But neither Pollock, Kelly (two defending counsel) nor the Lord Chief Justice could shake and Monmouthshire jury ''.

On February 1st the death sentence was committed to transportation for life and the seven were taken from Monmouth gaol. In Tasmania they began their great uphill fight, Zephaniah Williams's knowledge of mining in served him in good stead and eventually he became a prosperous mine owner. He died at Launceston on May 8th 1874 at the age of 82. His son, Llewellyn remained in Blaina, became one of our civic leaders, a celebrated harpist with the bardic title of Pencerod-y-De and was for many years landlord of the Rolling Mill... William Jones died a few months previous to the death of Zephaniah. Frost, however, be turned to this country in 1855, and settled down in Bristol where he died in 1877.

The repercussions of the Chartist revolt were tremendous. The authorities were determined to stamp out the movement. Then landlord of the King Crispin Inn was sentenced to seven years' transportation but this was annulled. Nevertheless, while there remained great bitterness amongst the workers it can be safely stated that organised resistance was very limited.

It was only in about 1860 that the various trades began to form in separate unions. One of the first to be formed the Nantyglo and Blaina was the National Association of Puddlers. They were few in number at the beginning but by 1873 they had become a formidable force and felt strong enough to demand shorter hours of work and an increase of 10 per cent in wages. In mass meeting of 3000 Puddlers, Mill men and Ballers from the surrounding area met at Brynmawr and put forward their claim. This was turned down and the men struck work. The strike proved disastrous and collapsed in three months because of starvation. Trade unionism among the ironworks fell to a low ebb and when the works closed in 1878 it almost ceased altogether.

However, the mine workers in the area began to assume some importance, and from 1878 the Trade Union moment among the miners became and have always remained the most powerful section of the community. By 1870 the South Wales Union Lodge of coalminers had been formed and an organiser, by the name of Thomas Halliday was employed to work up union membership. Four lodges were formed each holding meetings in public houses. Their total strength was only 100 men. Strikes and lockouts occured in 1871, 1873 and 1875 and men from the Forest of Dean and elsewhere were imported to work in the new collieries and nearly smashed the movement. In 1871 local men attended one of the first miners' conferences which was held at Merthyr Tydfil. The 1873 lock-out occurred because the men refused to accept a 10 per cent reduction in wages. The lock out of 1875 took place because the men would not accept a 15 per cent reduction in wages and remained idle for nearly five months. As a result Trade Unionism sank to a very low level. The men were forced to accept a reduction of 12 and a half per cent in wages, plus the establishment of a sliding scale of wages to be regulated by the selling price of coal. The peculiar set-up of the Sliding Scale Association between the men and the owners almost suffocated trade unions in the valleys.

It is note worthy to observe that the Blaina District Miners' Federation had been established by 1876. Each member was given a brass badge with the name of the Federation engraved upon it. How many of these badges are in per existence today?

“The seven lean years of mining Unionism in 1880-1887 which were experienced through Great Britain were likewise felt in Nantyglo on Blaina. It was not until 1889 but the first real step forward was made in in the formation of a Miners' Federation of Great Britain. This took place as the result of the Newport Conference and comprising representation from all the Coalfields. The resolution put forward on 26th November in 1889 at a Temperance Hall, Dock Street was as follows. '' that this conference hereby agrees to form a Miners' Federation of Great Britain." "Out of the bowels of the earth miners, strong and resolute young men, came marching down to Newport to register by their presence the great new advance."

Briefly, the object of the Association were to provide funds, protect trade and wages of Miners', secure mining legislation, call conferences, seek to obtain eight hours-a-day from bank to bank, watch inquests upon persons killed and seek compensation.

By 1889 a Bill to restrict Labour in mines to eight hours a day was presented in Parliament. Monmouthshire miners were in favour of the Bill, but they were ruled by South Wales who were not unanimous because of the Sliding Scale agreement. All through 1890 agitation went on and strike action was suggested. This was deferred pending a unanimous vote by all miners. Early in 1891 William Brace became the leader of the Monmouthshire miners.

On 23rd March, 1892 the second reading of the bill was moved but rejected by 272 votes against 160. In 1893 the Miners' Federation decided to take a ballot within fourteen days whether or not to give notice if an advance in wages equal to the reduction suffered during the preceding two years and an eight hour working day were not agreed to. Any district failing to comply with a resolution was not to be considered as a member of the Federation. Then began in the last week of July the great lock-out of 1893. Brace was forced to admit that his district had not been successful in carrying through the conference resolution and that no ballots had been taken. Pending an explanation Monmouthshire was therefore suspended from the federation. By August however, Brace had brought his men out.

There was complete deadlock and great distress prevailed and soup kitchens were opened. By October Gladstone was forced to intervene and he was instrumental in bringing about the Roseberry Settlement of November 1893. The men were to resume work at the old rate of wages and it was felt that they had won a big victory.

Until 1897 there was peace in the Coalfields. Then it's up 10th May, 1897 the South Wales miners decided to give six months' notice to end the Sliding Scale agreement and to demand a 10 per cent increase in wages. The coal owners retaliated by giving notice of a lock out and refused to negotiate except on one condition namely that the ballot was to be abandoned and a small group of the workmen's representatives be given plenary powers to negotiate and signed an agreement.

This was turned down and so began the strike of 1898. It was a bitter struggle and they were very little funds available. Troops were called in at the request of the magistrates and Chief Constable of Monmouthshire. After of a five month stoppage the miners were worn down and they were forced to return defeated and were still forced to accept the Sliding Scale.

While the men had been defeated, it can truly be stated that it was in 1898 that the true foundation of the South Wales Miners' Federation was laid and on November 18th, 1898 the followed resolution was agreed to: - '' that the South Wales and Monmouthshire trades union, composed of 60,000 miners be accepted as members of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain ''.

The Sliding Scale ended in South Wales at the end of 1902 but efforts to obtain an eight hour day still eluded the men. In 1902 the Bill was defeated by one vote 208-207 and it again failed in 1903. With the advent of 26 Lib Labour representatives including Thomas Richards for West Monmouthshire in the Commons in 1906 still further efforts were made and on December 21st, 1908 after 20 years of persistent and a vigorous effort to the eight hour Bill became law.

The 1912 strike demanded in minimum-wage of £2... 10 s... 0 d per week. In 1914-1918 the miners played a great part in securing victory. Then came the great strikes of 1921 and 1926 and for 17 years Nantyglo and Blaina experienced as dark a page in its history as it had ever known. The area became a " ghost town '' - 75 per cent of its insurable population were for years living '' on the Dole ''. In 1937 the depression began to lift and while many of the workers were obliged to travel outside the area to their work, a fair measure of prosperity came back into the area. In 1951 with the prospect of coal-mining still good and the opening of a number of light industries, one can but hope that the dark, ugly days of want - want to work and the visible means of support have gone for ever.

Nevertheless, throughout all the faith of the worker in his craft and the fulfilment of his ideals have never wavered. We who are left can remember with pride and gratitude the struggles of those who have gone before and endeavour to uphold the torch they so gallantly, but so desperately held.